University of Haifa
To be a Latin pilgrim in Crusader Jerusalem was a unique experience. This in comparison to other periods of the middle ages and even the previous period of Christian rule in the Holy City, namely, the Byzantine period. The unique character of the experience was the result of the activities of the Crusader rulers of the city as well as their specific perception of the sanctity of Jerusalem.
'And now let us describe the new holy places (loca nova) and the venerable ancient ones which have been newly built (de novo exstructa) and dedicated to the service of religion'. Thus opens the pilgrim John of Würzburg his description of some of the holy places of Jerusalem in the early 1160s. He clearly distinguishes between totally new holy places and those ancient which were rebuilt; he is also aware that all the holy places were rebuilt. Moreover, John of Würzburg actually shows that the contemporaries were fully aware of what Bernard Hamilton recently defined as 'a more ambitious than any comparable piece of religious town planning undertaken in the middle ages'. Namely, the gigantic project of rebuilding and building Jerusalem undertaken by the Crusaders.
It was, in my opinion, this gigantic process of rebuilding Jerusalem and its outcome that into large extent defined the experience of pilgrimaging in Crusader Jerusalem as unique and different from those in other periods of the middle ages except perhaps, into some degree - in the Byzantine period. As a result of the Crusader conquest (15 July 1099) a ruined Moslem city became a capital of a Christian Kingdom and one of the most important centre of pilgrimage in the Christian world. As the outcome of the building project Jerusalem became not only a city whose beauty became a legend in the Christian West but the scene of the history of the Christians under both the Old and the New Testaments.
The Crusaders have rebuilt most of the Byzantine shrines and also built new ones. Most of the Crusader shrines were pilgrims' shrines. Rebuilding or building on the holy places, the Franks linked certain traditions to certain sites, aiming to represent certain events of the past. Those places became holy places which could be now seen and touched; they became witnesses to the truth of the Christian religion. Moreover the shrines became a visual expression of the holy traditions, of either written texts as e.g. the Holy Scriptures or oral traditions. The shrines were often embellished with mosaics, forescoes and bas-reliefs illustrating the holy tradition or traditions which the shrines represented; those were also often accompanied by inscriptions of the appropriate texts from the Scriptures. The pilgrims could now, as during the Byzantine Period see, and touch the very sites where different events described in the Holy Scriptures or elsewhere as e.g. in the Apocrypha, took places. Moreover, unlike in the Byzantine Period, the learned pilgrim from the West could read as the inscriptions were in Latin and participate in liturgical services performed in the same language as he was used to in his native Church; in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre the prayers were said both in Latin and in Greek.
Thus the pilgrims could now not only visit and see most of the holy places but while visiting the holy places they could experience visually the spiritual much more intensely than before 1099 as the visual images, produced to illustrate matters of fact connected with particular site, were now much more available in situ. The visual media, it should be remembered, were particularly important for the illiterate; visual images worked in places for worship together with non-visual media as liturgy, to propagate ideas and thus shape the piety of such believers. Bernard of Clairvaux who opposed normally rich ornamentations in churches, argued that: 'Bishops have duty toward wise and foolish. They have to make use of material ornamentation to rouse devotion in those who are incapable of spiritual things'. According to Gratian (ca. 1150): 'Pictures are the literature of the laity'. A South-German Benedictine monk, writing in 1189-90, claimed that pictures in churches are placed there for the sake of simple-minded men or iliterates (idiotes) in contrast to the literate (litterates).
Thus, e.g., in the new Church of the Temple of the Lord (in the Dome of the Rock) the visitors could see a painting of Christ's Presentation in the Temple (Luke, 2, 22-35) and read its superscription: 'The King of Kings, of Virgin Mother born / Was here presented. This is holy ground..' On Mont Zion, in a chapel commemorating the judgment of Christ (Matthew, 27: 1-14) the visitors could see a picture of the trial and read the inscription: 'He whom the saints commend, was by sinners' voice condemned, He for His servants' sake did scourge and buffet take'. The to say 'visual' or even 'audio-visual' aspect of Jerusalem pilgrimage in the twelfth century was particularly powerful at what was the highlight of that pilgrimage - at the site of the Sepulchre. According to John of Würzburg the place was decorated with inscriptions like one that read: 'The place and guardian testify to Christ's resurrection; also the linen clothes, the angel and redemption'; and another: 'Here Christ was laid within this sepulchre of rock / His burial is heaven gate to mortals'. Moreover, according to Citez de Jherusalem, a pilgrims' guide composed ca. 1187, the diaconus chanting the Mass of the Resurrection in the site of the Holy Sepulchre used to turn toward Mount Calvary when he came to the word 'Crucifixum'; he would then face the Sepulchre, point at it, and say: 'Surexit, non est hic…'.
Another result of the gigantic building operation of the Crusaders was a new map of the holy places of the city, of the City's Holy Geography. The map which emerged was different from those of other periods of the middle age and it marked the specific spirituality of the crusaders rulers of the city. Its main features are first of all a new expanded concept of the sanctity of Jerusalem as the place where "His feet had trodden" (Pslams 132:7), as the 'City of the Life of Christ'; Secondly, the presentation of Jerusalem as the City of both the Old and the New Testament. And thirdly - it is characterized by the devotion to Virgin Mary what resulted with new shrines commemorating various events in her life.
The concept of the sanctity of Jerusalem as the place of ubi steterunt rather than as the former presentation of the city as the city of the Holy Sepulchre, parallels to the new preoccupation with the humanity of Christ which had been on the increase in the West since the eleventh century and there is undoubtedly a link between the two. In Jerusalem this found its expression in multiplication of holy traditions of the early life of Christ, his childhood and adolescence as well as the appearance of new holy places connected with the Passion of Christ, like e.g. the place of the Church of Repose of Christ built by the Templars at the Western end of the northern wall of the Temple Esplanade. It was a small doomed structure. This new locus sanctus appeared in ca. 1160 or even 1170 based on the tradition of the Repose of Christ in John 18:1; Mark 14:26; Matthew 26: 30; Luke 22:39. Near the chapel there was a pool about which the Templars used to tell the pilgrims - according to a guide to Jerusalem of ca. 1170 - that this is 'the Sheep pool where the Wood of the Cross remained for a long time'. The Templars also renamed the gate on the West side of the Temple Esplanade - the 'Sorrowful Gate'; they probably presented it as the gate through which Christ was led to Calvary.
Moreover, whereas before the Crusader conquest of Jerusalem all of the holy traditions of the Passion of Christ were all located near the site of the Crucifixion, during the twelfth century most of those traditions moved from the vicinity of Calvary. In fact what has emerged are the first steps towards the creation of the Way of the Cross (via Crucis) which corresponds more or less to the Via Dolorosa as formed by the Franciscans of the Custodia Terrae Sanctae in the second half of the fourteenth and in the fifteenth centuries. The prison of Christ was still showed in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre but only as the place where he was guarded while the Cross was being prepared on Mount Golgotha. At the same time, however, the prison was also located on Mount Zion as reported e.g. by Fretellus as well as by pilgrims like e.g. Theodoric and John of Würzburg. It is Theodoric who places also the flagellation of Christ on Mount Zion. Thus, it follows, there is evidence of the beginnings of two different ways of the Cross in Crusader Jerusalem. One starting at the new praetorium on Mount Zion and the second, fabricated or created by the Templars, which started at the 'Church of the Repose' and led through the 'Sorrowful Gate' (on the west side of the Haram) as the gate through which Christ was led to Calvary.
Although its sanctity continued to rest as before on its special link with Christ, under the Crusader rule, Jerusalem became the city of both Old and New testament; a city in which the new Constantine's temple, the center of Jerusalem of the New Testament, faced the temple of the Mount Temple - the 'Temple of the Lord' (Dome of the Rock), which both symbolically and figuratively represented the Jewish Temple, the center of Old Testament's Jerusalem. The Crusaders in contrast to the former Christian lords of the city, the Byzantines, restored the traditions of the Old Testament to their original sites and especially to the Temple Mount, which was now integrated into the urban framework of the city as well as into the ordo peregrinationis; in this ordo the Temple of the Lord (Templum Domini) played a part second only to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. Jerusalem whose sanctity now drew from both the Old and the New Testament was centered around the two foci - the Holy Sepulchre and the Temple of the Lord. The two were linked to each other in more than one way. A striking feature of the ordo processionis, of the festive processions on the great feast days of the Church of Jerusalem, is that most of them went through both the Church of the Holy Sepulchre and the Temple of the Lord. Both were also the sites of the festivities which traditionally took place on the Coronation Day of the kings of Jerusalem. Moreover the ordo peregrinationis of Jerusalem presents the same pattern, as the thousands of pilgrims who visited the city each day went on to the shrines of the Temple Mount immediately after leaving the Holy Sepulchre.
Both the ordo processionis and the ordo peregrinationis, led, in Crusader Jerusalem as said, directly from the Church of the Holy Sepulchre - the symbol of Christian New Testament's Jerusalem - to the Temple of the Lord representing the Jewish Temple, the center of Old Testament's Jerusalem. Yet the decorations of the two shrines not only that did not emphasize the contrast between the two, the old and the new temple, but they visually reflected the link, the continuation between the two; in both the temples, Christ and Virgin Mary were depicted as well as the fathers' prophets, kings of Israel, apostles and various saints. According to, e.g., Theodoric the walls of the Chapel of the Holy Sepulchre (namely Constantine's rotonda) were decorated with the paintings of Christ as a God, his mother, the Archangel Gabriel, the twelve apostles, Emperor Constantine with his mother Helena, Michael the Archangel as well as the twelve Prophets; the walls of the Church of the Temple of the Lord (Templum Domini) depicted, according to John of Würzburg, Jacob's dream of the ladder, Zacharias and Christ .
Yet another characteristic or feature of the sanctity of Crusader Jerusalem was the centrality of the cult of Virgin Mary. This is manifested by the appearance of new traditions associated with the life of the Virgin. It was, it seems, the result of the influence of the importance of the cult of the Virgin in the Eastern Churches but also - a feature of the piety of the participants of the First Crusade, which was originally scheduled to depart on the Feast of the Assumption of the Virgin in 1096 - on 15 of August.
Not surprisingly the crusaders' devotion to the Virgin engendered a process of topographical identification of old and even newly created traditions of her life. One such newly created tradition (in ca. 1130) was that of the Church of the Bath in the house of Simeon the Just in which Mary stayed before her purification; it was located in the east-southern corner of the Temple Esplanade. Another new tradition, located in the court of the Templum Domini, was that of the school of the Virgin. Additional new tradition identified the Golden gate as the meeting place of the Virgin's parents - Joachim and Anne. Thus with the nearby Church of St. Anne, the site of the Virgin's birth and the Church of St. Mary in Valley of Jehoshaphat, the site of her burial, the whole area around the Temple Mount became the scene of the life of the Virgin. Its centre was the Church of the Temple of the Lord, where the principal altar was consecrated to her.
The popularity of Marial shrines in Crusader Jerusalem have been so considerable that the community of the Church of St. Mary Latina - which was not a shrine church - turned it into one by developing a new tradition. Namely that the church was the site of the cave where Mary together with the two other Maries (Mary Magdalene and Mary the wife of Cleophas) stayed during the Crucifixion, tearing their hair. The Virgin's hair sold to the pilgrims, became one of the most popular relics brought from Jerusalem to Europe. According to one of the Pilgrim's guides to Crusader Jerusalem (of ca. 1170) the church was famous: 'for the famous relics it contains: the Head of Saint Philip the Apostle is there, and some of Saint Mary's hair'.
The transformation that occurred in the character of sanctity of Jerusalem is well reflected in pilgrims' definition of the aim of their pilgrimage. Whereas before the Crusader conquest of the Holy City pilgrims defined the goal of their pilgrimages mainly in terms of the Holy Sepulchre, shortly after the First Crusade a shift in motivation may be observed. Now people wished to go to Jerusalem 'where God was seen as man, to adore His feet in the place where they had trodden'; or 'where our Lord was seen in flesh and conversed with men… to adore where he suffered for us the slaps of whips as well as the cross, the death and the burial' (Henry IV of Germany) or to see 'those venerable places where our Saviour revealed Himself corporally'. According to Peter of Blois (writing in 1187-1189) King Henry II of England expressed a desire for 'the land where the Lord's feet had trodden where, through His birth and death, He redeemed us'. The English chronicler Richard of Devizes describes the Jerusalem pilgrimage of Bishop Hubert of Salisbury and of Henry of Champagne (in 1192) - both participants of the Third Crusade - as aimed at 'adoring in the place where Christ's feet had trodden'. This sort of motivation is well summarized by the English chronicler William of Malmesbury who argued: 'What can be greater happiness than, for a man, in his lifetime, to see those places where the Lord of Heaven was conversant as a man?!'
One of the most typical features of the pilgrims' descriptions of their pilgrimage in Jerusalem up to the thirteenth century, is the conspicuous absence of references to realia. One may say that until the thirteenth century pilgrims are completely deaf and blind to anything besides the purpose of their pilgrimages, namely, holy laces and holy traditions. In the literary genre of itineraria or descriptiones Terrae Sanctae, geography becomes the 'Holy Geography', topography a matter of theology, archaeology - a list of relics and remnants of the biblical past and ethnography - an instrument of the Christian Mission. The descriptiones of the twelfth century thus reflect the idea of pilgrimage as a temporary renouncement of this world and eventually as imitatio Christi.
Still pilgrims themselves as well as archaeological sources provide some information regarding the material aspects of their pilgrimage. Pilgrims from the West could find in Crusader Jerusalem, as well as in the entire Latin Kingdom, guides and inn keepers who spoke their own native language. Those who knew French, the lingua franca of the kingdom, could use everywhere their native language and certainly in the hospices for pilgrims maintained by the Hospitallers. In Jerusalem the quarter of the order of St. John provided accommodation for pilgrims in a large hospice and infirmary. According to Theodoric: 'I would not trust anyone else to believe if I had not seen with my own eyes how splendidly it is adorned with buildings with many rooms and bunks and other things poor people and the weak and sick can use. What a rich place this is and how excellently it spends the money for the relief of the poor, and how diligent it its care for beggars. Going through the Palace we could in no way judge the number of people who lay there, but we say a thousand beds.' John of Würzburg describes the place as follows: 'In] the hospital… in [its] various houses, a great crowd of sick people is collected, some of them women and some men. They are cared of, and every day fed at vast expense. The total of persons at the time when I was present [as] I learned from the servitors talking about it, and it was two thousand sick persons…' In the south-eastern quarter of the city German knights from the Order of St. John established both an hospital and an hospice for German-speaking pilgrims.
Jerusalem's markets provided the pilgrims with special goods and services. In the centre of the city, the main street of the triple market was known as malquissinat, namely, the street of 'Bad Cooking', as it sold ready-cooked food to pilgrims. In another street of the same market pilgrims could buy palm fronds as souvenirs of their pilgrimage to the Holy City. In the same market were the shops of money-changers who specialized in coinage from the Latin West. Another service provided in the same market, much in demand, it seems, among the pilgrims was that of head (hair?) washing which the pilgrims seemed to use before entering the Holy Sepulchre.
Due to the large numbers of pilgrims who frequented the Holy City and probably also due to the high death rate among them, in Crusader Jerusalem special burial ground was established for them. They were buried beyond the city's walls, in the field of Hakeldema, where a large, barrel-vaulted Frankish charnel-house survives. It is there where dead pilgrims were brought e.g. from the Hospital of St. John.
Those who did came back to Europe brought with them relics and special souvenirs produced for pilgrims in Crusader Jerusalem. Realizing the commercial potential of the desire for sacred souvenirs Crusader Jerusalem developed (like the Byzantine one) industry producing and selling a variety of items to cater to both poor and rich pilgrims. The most wanted and valued of all was - the relic of the Holy Cross.
Devotion to the cross combined with the cult to the True Cross, produced during the twelfth century a growing demand for the most important of Jerusalem's relics. The cult of the True Cross attracted pilgrims to the Holy Sepulchre since the fourth century. Though there was a 'miraculous' supply of particles of the True Cross from Jerusalem even during the Moslem rule in the city, the Crusaders' take-over led to a meaningful re-evaluation of Jerusalem as the above of the relic. Jerusalem became now regarded as the chief supplier of the relic of the True Cross, thus replacing Constantinople. The descriptions of the founding of the True Cross (which the crusaders considered the very piece recovered by Emperor Heraclius in 628) on 5 August 1099 follows the pattern of the legend of the Invention of the Holy Cross by Helena. The relic was enclosed in a silver casket and kept from 1149 in a special chapel on the north side of the Anastasis. During the twelfth century many of its fragments found their way into Europe, either given or bought. Kings of Jerusalem used to give or send the relics of the Holy Cross to various of the rulers of Europe. Thus, e.g., Sigur, King of Norway, was granted one by King Balwin I in 1107 or 1110; Count Stephen of Blois also received from him a fragment (before 1102); Fulk of Anjou sent a piece of the cross to the community of Saint-Laud in Angers. In 1164, on the eve of the battle of Alexandria, King Amalric made a vow to send his pectoral cross with a relic of the True Cross to Clairvaux. Not only the kings of Jerusalem but also the patriarchs and the canons of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre gave away from time to time particles of the Holy Cross. Thus, e.g., Patriarch William I of Jerusalem (1130-1145) sent a fragment to Bernard of Clairvaux and Patriarch Heraclius while in England in 1185, gave one piece of the True Cross to King Henry II .
It seems that being able to obtain a piece of the True Cross was one of the aims of pilgrimage of the Europeans but mostly of European nobility, as many of members of this class brought it with them back to Europe. Their aim was to give the relic to their home churches and thus to enhance their aura of sanctity and popularity. E.g., William IV, lord of Montpellier, brought home (ca. 1128) a fragment of the cross, which he divided between the Church of Holy Cross in Montpellier and the Cistercian abbey of Grandselve where he became a monk in 1148. Henry the Lion, duke of Saxony and Bavaria, brought home from his pilgrimage a cross-staurotheque which contained a fragment of the True Cross, and gave it in 1173 to the Church of the Holy Cross in Hildesheim. The relic, it was believed as in previous centuries, had healing powers and when in 1191 there were fears for the life of Louis (the future Louis VIII), the young son of Philip II Augustus, the monks of St. Denis placed their hopes in a crown of thorns, a nail from the True Cross and the arm of St Simeon, relics which they used to make the sign of the cross over Louis' abdomen, following which his health was restored. The relic was also used for support at death and burial. Already Charlemagne, e.g., was buried with a particle of the True Cross; while on his death bed (1153), David I of Scotland commanded the relic of the True Cross to be brought to him 'which he honored with great reverence'.
Also other relics that originated in Crusader Jerusalem were mainly connected with Christ. Such were, e.g., stones from the Lord's Sepulchre and Calvary, particles of the Sponge, the Saint Crown, the Manger, and the stone from which the Christ ascended to heaven. There were however also relics of Virgin Mary and the apostles. Thus, e.g., Robert II Count of Flanders brought back from the First Crusade particles of the True Cross, of the Sponge, the Saint Crown, the Sepulchre and the Manger. Maurice, lord of Craon brought back, in 1169 a large collection of relics which included fragments of the Holy Cross, a chip of rock from the Calvary, a splinter of stone of the Holy Sepulchre, part of the column of the flagellation of Christ, filings from the hammer and a nail of the Passion, and a piece of our Lady's dress. One of the Zwiefalten reliquaries, produced in Jerusalem and brought between the years 1099-1111 to the Benedictine monastery of Zwiefalten by Bertolf of Sperberseck (Sparwarisegge) contained, besides the relics of the True Cross, a relic of the stone from which Christ ascended to heaven, a relic of Christ's manger, relics of John the Baptist and the apostles Andrew, Mark and James. The second Zwiefalten reliquary, also produced in Jerusalem, contained the True Cross as well as relics of the Virgin's robe, of John the Baptist's ashes and of the apostles Andrew, Bartholomew, Philip, Peter and Paul .
The devotion to the Virgin and the newly created shrines commemorating various events in her life, produced a growing demand for her relics. The relics of the Virgin were particularly difficult to find as her body had disappeared from the earth. The patriarch of Jerusalem, asked in 451 by Pulcheria if the body of the Virgin could be sent to her, replied, in one of the first hints at Mary's Assumption, that her body had never been found on earth. He sent Pulcheria the Virgin's grave-clothes; Empress Eudocia was sent the Virgin's shroud. Throughout the twelfth century, the flow of Mary's relics increased prodigiously and clergymen all over Western Christendom discovered sacred and hitherto unknown relics of the Virgin in their sacred treasuries. Now Jerusalem became the main supplier of those relics thus similarly as in the case of those of Christ also replacing Constantinople. Already the participants of the First Crusade returned home carrying such relics. The most popular was the hair of the Virgin as it was believed that it could work cures. The hair was mostly bought from the Church of St. Mary Latina. Thus, i.e., the French knight Igor Bigod, a participant of the First Crusade, who found a ball of the hair in Jerusalem, divided it among several cathedrals and monasteries in France. Other participants brought home reliquaries containing the blood of the Virgin and the hair torn out by her when she mourned Christ's death. In the course of the century some pilgrims brought home also pieces of the Virgin's dress.
Poor pilgrims, who could not afford relics, brought from the Holy Land, similarly as in the early middle ages, eulogiae like e.g., water from the Jordan and palm fronds, a souvenir of the entrance of Christ to Jerusalem on Palm Sunday (John 12:12-15). It is possible that they brought also similar souvenirs like the one brought by pilgrims in the early middle ages, namely, earth from various holy places, water from the Jordan, oil and rocks .
The poorer among the pilgrims could buy locally produced small pendant crosses and reliquary pendant crosses made of metal and other materials . Similarly like in the Byzantine period, Jerusalem also produced for such pilgrims various small containers, in which holy oil, water earth, or some other blessed substance could be carried away; containers of this kind for eulogiae were usually made of clay, glass or a lead/tin alloy. Besides flasks, namely bottles (ampullae ) for water or oil made of lead or alloy were man-factured in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. They bore the representation of the Holy Sepulchre and various scenes from the life of Christ like e.g. the Holy Women at the Sepulchre, the Crucifixion and the Resurrection (Anastasis).
To sum up. The experience of being of pilgrim from the West in Crusader Jerusalem was an unique one and much different from that in any other period in the Middle Ages. This was a result of Jerusalem being now a capital of a Christian Latin Kingdom as well Jerusalem's rulers', religion, culture and their language. It was also the result of their project of rebuilding and building Jerusalem. The pilgrims could not only see and touch at the very sites where different events described in the Scriptures took place but also read the inscriptions and participate in liturgical services. They could also now, more than even before, 'read' so-to-say and understand, crusader art which decorated lavishly Jerusalem's churches as it reminded them in style their own churches at home. They could also enjoy a relatively high feeling of security while travelling on the roads of the Kingdom (provided mainly by the Templars) as well as various other special services offered to them in the kingdom.

Sylvia Schein

NOTES
1. Perigrinationes tres. Saewulf, John of Würzburg, Theodericus, ed. R.B.C. Huygens, Corpus Christianorum. Continuatio Medievalis, 139 (Turnhout 1994), p.130 [hereafter John of Würzburg].
2. Bernard Hamilton, 'The Impact of the Crusaders Jerusalem on Western Christendom', Catholic Historical Review, 80 (1994), 699.
3. See on this subject Hamilton, 'The Impact', pp.699-703. Idem, 'Rebuilding Zion: The Holy Places of Jerusalem in the Twelfth Century', Studies in Church History, 14 (1977), 105-116. Bianca Kühnel, Crusader Art of the Twelfth Century. A Geographical, an Historical or an Art Historian Notion, Berlin 1994, passim. Jaroslaw Folda, The Art of the Crusaders in the Holy land 1098-1187, Cambridge 1995, passim.
4. For the Byzantine Period see e.g. E.D. Hunt, Holy Land Pilgrimage in the Later Roman Emire, A.D. 312-460, Oxford 1982, passim. J. Prawer, 'Jerusalem in the Christian and Jewish Perspectives of the Early Middle Ages', Settimane di Studio del Centro Italiano di Studi sull'alto medioevo XXVI. Gli Ebrei nell'Alto medioevo, Spoleto 1980, pp.739-782. Joan E. Taylor, Christians and the Holy Places. The Myth of Jewish Christian Origins, Oxford 1993, passim. P.W.L. Walken, Holy City, Holy Places? Christian Attitudes to Jerusalem and the Holy Land in the Fourth Century, Oxford 1990, passim.
5. For the liturgy of the Jerusalymite Church see Ch. Kohler, 'Un rituel et un bréviaire du Saint-Sépulche de Jérusalem (XIIe-XIIIe siècle) ROL, 8 (1900-1901), 383-500. A. Linder, 'The Liturgy of the Liberation of Jerusalem', Medieval Studies, 52 (1990), 110-131. Idem, 'Deus Venerunt Gentes: Psalm 78 (79) in the Liturgical Commemoration of the Destruction of Latin Jerusalem', Medieval Studies in Honour of Avrom Saltman, ed. Bat-Sheva Albert et al., Ramat-Gan 1995 (Bar Ilan Studies in History, IV), pp.145-171. See also Benjamin Z. Kedar, 'Intellectual Activities in a Holy City: Jerusalem in the Twelfth Century', Sacred Space. Shrine, City, Land, ed. Benjamin Z. Kedar and R.J. Zwi Werblowsky, New York 1998, pp.126-139 esp. p.137 n.13.
6. Bernardus Claraevalensis, Apologia ad Guillelmum Abbatem, Opera, ed. J. Leclercq et al., Rome 1957-1977, vol. III, pp.104-107 esp. pp.104-105.
7. Gratianus, Decretum, d.3, c.27, ed. E. Friedberg, Corpus iuris canonici, I (Leipzig 1879), col. 1360 and see on the entire subject Colin Morris, 'Picturing the Crusades: The Uses of visual Propaganda c. 1095-1250', The Crusades and their Sources. Essays Presented to Bernard Hamilton, ed. John France and William G. Zajac, Aldershot 1998, p.195-216.
8. Liber de poenitentia et tentationibus religiosorum, PL, 213, col. 891. M.R. Miles, Image as Insight. Visual Understanding in Western Christianity and Secular Culture, Boston Mass. 1985, pp.15-39.
9. John of Würzburg [above n.1], pp.89-90.
10. Ibid., pp.116-117.
11. Ibid., pp.122-123.
12. Citez de Jherusalem, ed. T. Tober, Descriptiones Terrae Sanctae, Munich 1874, p.204.
13. See on this subject mine 'Jerusalem. Objectif originel de la première croisade?', Autour de la Première Croisade. Actes du Colloque de la Society for the Study of the Crusades and the Latin East (Clermond-Ferrand, 22-25 juin 1995), ed. Michel Balard, Paris 1996, pp.119-126.
14. J. Leclercq, 'De Saint Grégoire à Saint Bernard', Histoire de la Spiritualité Chrétienne, ed. L. Boyer et al., Paris 1961, pp.233-272. R.W. Southern, The Making of the Middle Ages, London 1953, pp.231-244. G. Constable, Three Studies in Medieval Religion and Social Thought, Cambridge 1995, pp.169-217.
15. J. Wilkinson with Joyce Hill and W.F. Ryan, Jerusalem Pilgrimage 1099-1185, London 1988, pp.73-76, 240. Folda, The Art of the Crusaders, pp.318-321. Stories about the Wood of the Cross taken by Christ from the Temple or from the Pool of Bethesda circulated in Europe already before the Crusades. For twelfth century's versions see The History of the Holy Rood-Tree, ed. A.S. Napier, London 1894 (EETS, 103), pp.2-35. Honorius Augustodensis, Elucidarium, PL, 172, col. 994.
16. On the development of via crucis see B. Pixner, 'Where was the Original Via Dolorosa?', Christian News from Israel, 27 (1979), passim. Sylvia Schein, 'La Custodia Terrea Sanctae Franciscaine et les Juifs de Jérusalem à la fin du Moyen Age,' Revue des études juives, 141 (1982), 370-371.
17. See Wilkinson et al., Jerusalem Pilgrimage, pp.221, 233, 239.
18. Rorgo Fretellus de Nazareth, Description de la Terre Sainte, ed. P.C. Boeren, Amsterdam 1980, p.61.
19. Theodoric, pp.153, 171-172. John of Würzburg, pp.115-116, 117. After the construction of the Crusader Church of the Holy Sepulchre, i.e. after 1149, the prison was located in the eastern part of the ground level of the north transept, namely, in the same place as before it. See Folda, The Art of the Crusaders, p.212.
20. See on this subject Sylvia Schein, 'Between Mount Moriah and the Holy Sepulchre: The Changing Traditions of the Temple Mount in the Central Middle Ages', Traditio, 50 (1984), 175-195 esp. pp.184-186.
21. Theodoric, p.150.
22. John of Würzburg, pp.89-93.
23. Johnathan Riley-Smith, The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading, London 1986, pp.103-104. For the cult of St. Mary in the West see W. Delius, Geschichte der Marienverehrung, Münich 1963, pp.149-170. Marina Warner, Alone of All Her Sex. The Myth and the Cult of the Virgin Mary, New York 1983, passim.
24. Saewulf [above n.1] pp.68-69. John of Würzburg, pp.127-130, 135-137. Theodoric, pp.168-170, 172-173, Schein, 'Mount Moriah', p.185.
25. Saewulf, p.67. Theodoric, p.158, John of Würzburg, p.118. Riley-Smith, The First Crusade, pp.95, 123. Warner, pp.285-298. Sylvia Schein, 'The Miracula of the Hospital of St. John and the Carmelite Elianic Tradition - Two Medieval Myths of Foundation", Cross Cultural Convergences in the Crusader Period. Essays Presented to Aryeh Grabois on his Sixty-fifth Birthday, ed. Michael Goodich et al., New York 1995, pp.287-296.
26. Wilkinson et al., Jerusalem, p.120.
27. See on this subject Schein, 'Jérusalem', pp.119-126.
28. Henry IV, Briefe, ed. F.J. Schmale, Darmstadt 1963 (Ausgewählte Qwuellen zur Deutschen Geschichte des mittelalters, 12), no.31, p.102.
29. Petrus Blesensis, Dialogus inter Regum Henricum Secundum et Abbaten Bonevallis, ed. R.B.C. Huygens, Revue Bénédictine, 68 (1958), 106.
30. Ricardus Divisiensis, Chronicon de tempore Regis Ricardi Primi, ed. J.T. Appleby, London 1963, p.84.
31. William of Malmesbury, Gesta regum Anglorum, Rolls Series, 902, p.398.
32. Aryeh Grabois, 'Le concept du Contemptus Mundi dans les pratiques des pèlerins occidentaux en Terre Sainte à l'époque des Croisades', Medievalia Christiana. Hommage à Raymonde Foreville, Paris 1990, pp.290-306. Idem, Le pèlerin occidental en Terre Saine au Moyen Age, Paris-Bruxelles 1990, pp.73-91.
33. Theodoric, pp.157-158.
34. John of Würzburg, p.131. See also Benjamin Z. Kedar, 'A Twelfth-Century Description of the Jerusalem Hospital', The Military Orders, Volume 2. Welfare and Warfare, ed. Helen Nicholson, Aldershot 1998, pp.3-26.
35. John of Würzburg., p.133. La Citez de Jherusalem, ed. Titus Tobler, Descriptiones Terrae Sanctae, Leipzig 1874 (reprint Hildesheim 1974), pp.206-207.
36. La Citez, pp.202, 206.
37. See Adrian J. Boas, Crusader Archaeology. The Material Culture of the Latin East, London and New York, 1999, pp.227-228, 234-235, 236.
38. A. Frolow, La Relique de la Vraie Croix. Recherches sur le Développement d'un Culte, Paris 1961, passim. Kühnel, Crusader Art, pp.125-153.
39. Kühnel, Crusader Art, pp.133-134. Hamilton, 'The Impact', p.711.
40. G.J.C. Snoek, Medieval Piety from Relics to the Eucharist. A Process of Mutual Interaction, Leiden 1995, pp.106-115.
41. Kühnel, Crusader Art, pp.133-137. The Russian pilgrim Daniel, who stayed in Jerusalem in 1106-1108, received from the keeper of the key of the Holy Sepulche a small piece of the 'sacred rock'. Daniel, Pilgrimage , English trans. C.W. Wilson, Palestine Pilgrims' Text Society, 4, (1897), p.81. See also trans. Wilkinson et al., Jerusalem Pilgrimage, pp.170-171.
42. Warner, pp.285-298.
43. Riley-Smith, The First Crusade, pp.95, 123. Schein, 'The Miracula', pp.287-293.
44. See here above n.35. 41. For the early middle ages see Bat-Sheva Albert, 'On Importance of Frankish Pilgrimage to the Holy Land (7th and 8th Century', Cathedra, 90 (1998), 33-52 (Hebrew). Yitzhak Hen, 'Holy Land Pilgrims from Frankish Gaul', RBPH, 76 (1998), 291-306.
45. Boas, Crusader Archaeology, pp.160-163. Sylvia Rozenberg, 'Metalwork and Crosses from the Holy Land', Knights of the Holy Land. The Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, ed. Sylvia Rozenberg, Jerusalem 1999, pp.117-121.
46. Folda, The Art, pp.294-297. Boas, Crusader Archaeology, pp.159-160. Danny Syon, 'Souvenirs from the Holy Land: A Crusader Workshop of Lead Ampullae from Acre', Knights of the Holy Land, pp.111-115.
47. For Crusader iconography see e.g. Folda, The Art of the Crusaders, passim. Kuhnel, Crusader Art, passim.